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Urban Planning and the Contradictions of Sustainable Development城市规划与可持续发展的矛盾

In the coming years planners face tough decisions about where they stand on protecting the green city, promoting the economically growing city, and advocating social justice.Conflicts among these goals are not superficial ones arising simply from personal preferences.Nor are they merely conceptual, among the abstract notions of ecological, economic, and political logic, nor a temporary problem caused by the untimely confluence of environmental awarene and economic receion.Rather, these conflicts go to the historic core of planning, and are a leitmotif in the contemporary battles in both our cities and rural areas, whether over solid waste incinerators or growth controls, the spotted owls or nuclear power.And though sustainable development aspires to offer an alluring, holistic way of evading these conflicts, they cannot be shaken off so easily.This paper uses a simple triangular model to understand the divergent priorities of planning.在未来几年规划面临艰难的抉择，他们站在保护绿色城市，促进城市经济增长，并倡导社会正义。之间的冲突，这些目标并不肤浅，而只是从个人喜好。他们也只是概念上的，在抽象的概念，生态，经济，政治逻辑，也不是一个暂时的问题引起的过早融合环保意识和经济衰退。相反，这些冲突到历史核心的规划，是一个主题在现代战争中我们的城市和农村地区，是否在固体废物焚化炉或生长控制，斑点猫头鹰或核电。虽然可持续发展渴望提供一个诱人的，全面的方式逃避这些冲突，他们无法摆脱那么容易。本文利用一个简单的三角模型了解不同的优先计划。

The Planner's Triangle: Three Priorities, Three Conflicts计划的三个重点，三个三角形：冲突 The current environmental enthusiasm among planners and planning schools might suggest their innate predisposition to protect the natural environment.Unfortunately, the opposite is more likely true: our historic tendency has been to promote the development of cities at the cost of natural destruction: to build cities we have cleared forests, fouled rivers and the air, leveled mountains.That is not the complete picture, since planners also have often come to the defense of nature, through the work of conservationists, park planners, open space preservationists, the Regional Planning Aociation of America, greenbelt planners, and modern environmental planners.Yet along the economic-ecological spectrum, with Robert Moses and Dave Foreman(of Earth First!)standing at either pole, the planner has no natural home, but can slide from one end to the other;moreover, the midpoint has no special claims to legitimacy or fairne.目前的环保热情规划者和规划学校可能表明他们的先天倾向保护自然环境。不幸的是，相反更可能是正确的：我们的历史潮流，是促进城市发展的成本自然破坏：建造城市我们砍伐森林，河流和空气污染，夷山。这是不完整的图片，因为规划者也经常来防御性质，通过工作的保育，园区规划，开放空间的保护主义，区域规划协会的美国，绿地规划，与现代环境规划。然而，在经济和生态频谱，与罗伯特摩西和戴夫福尔曼（地球第一！）站在两极，计划者没有回家，但可以滑动到另一端；此外，中点无特殊要求的合法性和公

Similarly, though planners often see themselves as the defenders of the poor and of socio-economic equality, their actions over the profeion's history have often belied that self-image(Harvey 1985).Planners' efforts with downtown redevelopment, freeway planning, public-private partnerships, enterprise zones, smokestack-chasing and other economic development strategies don't easily add up to equity planning.At best, the planner has taken an ambivalent stance between the goals of economic growth and economic justice.同样，尽管规划者往往认为自己是后卫的贫穷和社会平等，他们的行动在专业的历史往往掩盖了形象（哈1985）。计划者们的努力与市区重建计划，高速公路，公私伙伴关系，企业区，smokestack-chasing等经济发展战略不容易总计达股票计划。在最好的，计划采取了一种矛

盾的立场的目标之间的经济增长和经济正义。In short, the planner must reconcile not two, but

at least three conflicting interests: to “grow” the economy, distribute this growth fairly, and in the

proce not degrade the ecosystem.To claify contemporary battles over environmental racism,pollution-producing jobs, growth control, etc., as simply clashes between economic growth and

environmental protection mies the third iue, of social justice.The “jobs versus environment”

dichotomy(e.g., the spotted owl versus Pacific Northwest timber jobs)crudely collapses under the

“economy” banner the often differing interests of workers, corporations, community members, and

the national public.The intent of this paper's title is to focus planning not only for “green cities

and growing cities,” but also for “just cities.” 总之，策划者必须不协调，但至少三个利益冲突：

“增长”的经济增长，公平分配，并在这一过程中不破坏生态系统。分类现代战争对环境种

族主义，污染的工作，生长控制，等等，只是经济增长与环境保护之间的冲突的第三个问题，社会正义。“工作与环境”的二分法（例如，斑点猫头鹰与西北太平洋木材工作）未成熟下

崩溃的“经济”的旗帜，往往不同的工人的利益，企业，社区成员，与国家公共。本文的标

题是集中规划不仅为“绿色城市，越来越多的城市，但也为“城市。”

In an ideal world, planners would strive to achieve a balance of all three goals.In practice,however, profeional and fiscal constraints drastically limit the leeway of most planners.Serving

the broader public interest by holistically harmonizing growth, preservation, and equality remains

the ideal;the reality of practice restricts planners to serving the narrower interests of their clients,authorities and bureaucracies(Marcuse 1976), despite efforts to work outside those limitations

(Hoffman 1989).In the end, planners usually represent one particular goal--planning perhaps for

increased property tax revenues, or more open space preservation, or better housing for the poor--

while neglecting the other two.Where each planner stands in the triangle depicted in figure 1

defines such profeional bias.One may see illustrated in the figure the gap between the call for

integrative, sustainable development planning(the center of the triangle)and the current

fragmentation of profeional practice(the edges).This point is developed later.在理想的世界

里，规划者将努力实现平衡的三个目标。在实践中，然而，专业和财政上的限制大大限制了

余地最规划师。为更广泛的公众利益的全面协调发展，保存，和平等是理想的；现实的做法

限制规划为窄客户利益，政府和官僚（马尔库塞1976），尽管努力工作以外的限制（霍夫曼

1989）。最终，规划者通常代表一个特定的目标——规划可能增加财产税的收入，或多个开

放空间的保护，或更好的住房的穷人——而忽视其他2。其中每一员站在三角图1定义等专

业人士的偏见。你可以看到如图所示之间的差距，需要一体化，可持续发展规划（三角形的中心）和目前的分散的专业实践（边）。这一点后。

Figure 1.The triangle of conflicting goals for planning, and the three aociated conflicts.Planners define themselves, implicitly, by where they stand on the triangle.The elusive ideal of

sustainable development leads one to the center.图1。三角形的矛盾的目标，规划，和三个相

关的冲突。规划确定自己，含蓄，通过他们的立场上三角。实现理想的可持续发展所导致的一个中心。

The Points(Corners)of the Triangle: the Economy, the Environment, and Equity点（角）的三角

形：经济，环境，和公平

The three types of priorities lead to three perspectives on the city: The economic development

planner sees the city as a location where production, consumption, distribution, and innovation

take place.The city is in competition with other cities for markets and for new industries.Space is

the economic space of highways, market areas, and commuter zones.三种类型的优先导致三个

角度对城市的经济发展计划：将城市作为一个位置，生产，消费，分布，和创新的地方。城

市中的竞争与其他城市市场和新产业。空间经济空间的高速公路，市场领域，和通勤地带。

The environmental planner sees the city as a consumer of resources and a producer of wastes.The

city is in competition with nature for scarce resources and land, and always poses a threat to nature.Space is the ecological space of greenways, river basins, ecological niches.环境规划看城市作为

一种资源消费者和生产者的废物。城市中的竞争与自然稀缺的资源和土地，并一直构成威胁的性质。空间的生态空间通道，流域，生态位。

The equity planner sees the city as a location of conflict over the distribution of resources, of

services, and of opportunities.The competition is within the city itself, among different social

groups.Space is the social space of communities, neighborhood organizations, labor unions: the

space of acce and segregation.股权计划把城市作为一个位置的冲突的资源分配，服务，和

机会。竞争是在这个城市本身，不同社会群体之间。空间是社会空间的社区，社区组织，工

会：空间的访问和隔离。

Certainly there are other important views of the city, including the architectural, the psychological,and the circulatory(transportation);and one could conceivably construct a planner's rectangle,pentagon, or more complex polygons.The triangular shape itself is not propounded here as the

underlying geometric structure of the planner's world.Rather, it is useful for its conceptual

simplicity.More importantly, it emphasizes the point that a one-dimensional “man versus

environment” spectrum mies the social conflicts in contemporary environmental disputes, such

as loggers versus the Sierra Club, farmers versus suburban developers, or fishermen versus barge

operators(Reisner 1987;Jacobs 1989;McPhee 1989;Tuason 1993).当然还有其他重要城市的看法，包括建筑，心理，和循环（运输）；和一个可以构建一个规划师的矩形，五角大厦，或更复杂的多边形。三角形状的本身是没有提出这里的基本几何结构的策划者的世界。相反，它是有用的概念简单。更重要的是，它强调指出，“人与环境”的一维谱忽略了社会冲突在当代环境纠纷，如伐木与塞拉俱乐部，郊区农民与开发商，或渔民与驳船运营商（莱塞1987；

雅可布1989；麦克菲1989；托尔森1993）。Triangle Axis 1: The Property Conflict三角轴1：

产权冲突

The three points on the triangle represent divergent interests, and therefore lead to three

fundamental conflicts.The first conflict--between economic growth and equity--arises from

competing claims on and uses of property, such as between management and labor, landlords and

tenants, or gentrifying profeionals and long-time residents.This growth-equity conflict is further

complicated because each side not only resists the other, but also needs the other for its own

survival.The contradictory tendency for a capitalist, democratic society to define property(such

as housing or land)as a private commodity, but at the same time to rely on government

intervention(e.g., zoning, or public housing for the working cla)to ensure the beneficial social

aspects of the same property, is what Richard Foglesong(1986)calls the “property contradiction.”

This tension is generated as the private sector simultaneously resists and needs social intervention,given the intrinsically contradictory nature of property.Indeed, the eence of property in our

society is the tense pulling between these two forces.The conflict defines the boundary between

private interest and the public good.三点的三角形代表不同的利益，并因此导致三个基本矛

盾。第一个冲突——经济增长与公平——来自竞争的要求和用途的物业，如之间的管理和劳

动，房东和房客，或gentrifying专业人员和长期居民。这growth-equity冲突进一步复杂化

因为每一方不仅抵抗其他，但还需要其他为自身的生存。矛盾的趋势，资本主义，民主社会

确定资产（如住房、土地）作为一个商品，但在同一时间依赖政府的干预（例如，分区，或

公共房屋的工人阶级）确保有利的社会方面的同一性，是李察foglesong（1986）称为“产

权矛盾。”这种张力产生的私营部门同时抵制和需要社会的干预，由于内在矛盾的本质属性。

事实上，在我们社会的本质属性是紧张拉这两者之间的力量。冲突的定义之间的边界私人利

益与公共利益。

Triangle Axis 2: The Resource Conflict三角轴2：资源冲突

Just as the private sector both resists regulation of property, yet needs it to keep the economy

flowing, so too is society in conflict about its priorities for natural resources.Busine resists the

regulation of its exploitation of nature, but at the same time needs regulation to conserve those

resources for present and future demands.This can be called the “resource conflict.” The

conceptual eence of natural resources is therefore the tension between their economic utility in

industrial society and their ecological utility in the natural environment.This conflict defines the

boundary between the developed city and the undeveloped wilderne, which is symbolized by the

“city limits.” The boundary is not fixed;it is a dynamic and contested boundary between mutually

dependent forces.正如私营部门既抗拒调节性能，但它需要保持经济流动，因此也是社会冲

突的优先资源。经营抗拒调节其剥削的本质，但同时需要调节保护这些资源，为当前和未来的需求。这可以被称为“资源冲突。”概念的本质，因此自然资源的紧张关系在工业社会的经济特征及其生态特征的自然环境。这场冲突的定义之间的边界发达城市和发达的荒野，这

是象征的“城市的界限。”的边界是不固定的；它是一个动态的和有争议的边界之间的相互

依赖的力量。

Is there a single, universal economic-ecological conflict underlying all such disputes faced by

planners? I searched for this eential, Platonic notion, but the diversity of examples--water

politics in California, timber versus the spotted owl in the Pacific Northwest, tropical deforestation

in Brazil, park planning in the Adirondacks, greenbelt planning in Britain, to name a few--

suggests otherwise.Perhaps there is an Ur-Konflikt, rooted in the fundamental struggle between

human civilization and the threatening wilderne around us, and expreed variously over the

centuries.However, the decision must be left to anthropologists as to whether the eence of the

spotted owl controversy can be traced back to Neolithic times.A meta-theory tying all these

multifarious conflicts to an eential battle of “human versus nature”(and, once tools and weapons

were developed and nature was controlled, “human versus human”)--that invites skepticism.In

this discuion, the triangle is used simply as a template to recognize and organize the common

themes;to examine actual conflicts, individual case studies are used.有一个单一的，普遍的经济

和生态的基本所有这些纠纷冲突所面临的策划者？我搜索了这个必不可少的，柏拉图式的概

念，但多样性的例子——水在加利福尼亚政治，木材与斑点猫头鹰在西北太平洋，热带森林

在巴西，公园绿地规划计划在阿迪朗达克，在英国，等等——都显示。也许有一个ur-konflikt，植根于基本的人类文明之间的斗争和我们周围的旷野威胁，并表示不同的世纪。然而，这个

决定必须由人类学家是否为本质的斑点猫头鹰的争议可以追溯到新石器时代。元理论将这些

五花八门的冲突的一个重要战役“人类与自然”（和，一旦工具和武器的发展和性质的控制，“人与人”）——邀请怀疑。在这次讨论中，三角形是用来作为模板识别和组织共同的主题；

审查实际冲突，个别案例研究使用。

The economic-ecological conflict has several instructive parallels with the growth-equity conflict.In the property conflict, industrialists must curb their profit-increasing tendency to reduce wages,so as to provide labor enough wages to feed, house, and otherwise “reproduce” itself--that is, the

subsistence wage.In the resource conflict, the industrialists must curb their profit-increasing

tendency to increase timber yields, so as to ensure that enough of the forest remains to

“reproduce” itself(Clawson 1975;Beltzer and Kroll 1986;Lee, Field, and Burch 1990).This

practice is called “sustained yield,” though timber companies and environmentalists disagree about

how far the forest can be exploited and still be “sustainable.”(Of course, other factors also affect

wages, such as supply and demand, skill level, and discrimination, just as lumber demand, labor

prices, transportation costs, tariffs, and other factors affect how much timber is harvested.)In both

cases, industry must leave enough of the exploited resource, be it labor or nature, so that the

resource will continue to deliver in the future.In both cases, how much is “enough” is also

contested.冲突的经济和生态有一些有启发性的相似之处与growth-equity冲突。在属性冲突，企业家必须限制其利润增长趋势，减少工资，以提供足够的工资劳动饲料，房子，和其他“再

现”本身——是，生存工资。在资源冲突，企业家们必须限制其利润增长趋势增加木材的产

量，以保证足够的森林仍然“再现”本身（克劳森1975；beltzer和克罗尔1986；李，领域

范围，1990）。这种做法被称为“持续产量，虽然木材公司和环保人士不多远的森林可以利

用和仍然是“可持续”。（当然，其他因素也影响工资，如供应和需求，技能水平，和歧视，正如木材需求，劳动力价格，运输费用，关税，和其他因素影响多少采伐木材。）在这两种

情况下，必须留有足够的资源的利用，是劳动或性质，使资源将继续提供在未来。在这两种

情况下，有多少是“足够”也是有争议。

Triangle Axis 3: The Development Conflict三角轴3：发展冲突

The third axis on the triangle is the most elusive: the “development conflict,” lying between the

poles of social equity and environmental preservation.If the property conflict is characterized by

the economy's ambivalent interest in providing at least a subsistence existence for working people,and the resource conflict by the economy's ambivalent interest in providing sustainable conditions

for the natural environment, the development conflict stems from the difficulty of doing both at

once.Environment-equity disputes are coming to the fore to join the older dispute about economic

growth versus equity(Paehlke 1994, 349-50).This may be the most challenging conundrum of

sustainable development: how to increase social equity and protect the environment

simultaneously, whether in a steady-state economy(Daly 1991)or not.How could those at the

bottom of society find greater economic opportunity if environmental protection mandates

diminished economic growth? On a global scale, efforts to protect the environment might lead to

slowed economic growth in many countries, exacerbating the inequalities between rich and poor

nations.In effect, the developed nations would be asking the poorer nations to forgo rapid

development to save the world from the greenhouse effect and other global emergencies.第三轴的三角形是最难以实现的：“发展冲突，“躺在两极之间的社会公平和环境保护。如果属性冲

突的特点是经济矛盾的利益提供至少一个生存存在劳动人民，以及资源冲突的经济利益的矛

盾提供可持续的自然环境条件，发展冲突源于难以做一次。environment-equity纠纷脱颖而

出参加老年争议，经济增长与公平（paehlke 1994，349-50）。这可能是最具挑战性的难题的可持续发展：如何提高社会公平和保护环境的同时，无论是在稳态经济（达利1991）或不。

如何能在社会底层找到更大的经济机会，如果环境保护任务，减少经济增长？在全球范围内，环境保护力度可能导致减缓经济增长在许多国家，加剧了不平等富国和穷国之间。实际上，发达国家将被要求较贫穷的国家放弃发展迅速，拯救世界从温室效应和全球其他紧急情况。

This development conflict also happens at the local level, as in resource-dependent communities,which commonly find themselves at the bottom of the economy's hierarchy of labor.Miners,lumberjacks, and mill workers see a grim link between environmental preservation and poverty,and commonly mistrust environmentalists as elitists.Poor urban communities are often forced to

make the no-win choice between economic survival and environmental quality, as when the only

economic opportunities are offered by incinerators, toxic waste sites, landfills, and other noxious

land uses that most neighborhoods can afford to oppose and do without(Bryant and Mohai 1992;

Bullard 1990, 1993).If some argue that environmental protection is a luxury of the wealthy, then

environmental racism lies at the heart of the development conflict.Economic segregation leads to

environmental segregation: the former occurs in the transformation of natural resources into

consumer products;the latter occurs as the spoils of production are returned to nature.Inequitable

development takes place at all stages of the materials cycle.这一发展冲突也发生在地方一级，作为资源型社区，通常发现自己在底部的经济层次的劳动。矿工，伐木工，和工厂的工人看

到严峻的环境保护和贫穷之间的联系，并普遍不信任环保精英。城市贫困社区往往被迫作出

选择的两难之间的经济生存环境的质量，因为只有当经济所提供的机会，焚化炉，有毒废物

处理场，垃圾填埋场，和其他有毒的土地用途大多数环境可以负担得起的反对和没有（布莱

恩特和mohai布拉德1992；1990，1993）。如果有人认为，环境保护是一个豪华的富人，那

么环境种族主义的核心是发展冲突。经济隔离导致的环境隔离：前者发生在改造自然资源消

费电子产品；后者发生作为战利品生产回归自然。不公平的发展发生在各个阶段的物质循环。

Consider this conflict from the vantage of equity planning.Norman Krumholz, as the planning

director in Cleveland, faced the choice of either building regional rail lines or improving local bus

lines(Krumholz et al.1982).Regional rail lines would encourage the suburban middle cla to

switch from cars to ma transit;better local bus service would help the inner-city poor by

reducing their travel and waiting time.One implication of this choice was the tension between

reducing pollution and making transportation acce more equitable, an example of how bias

toward social inequity may be embedded in seemingly objective transit proposals.考虑到这一冲

突的高度股权计划。诺尔曼霍尔茨，作为策划总监的克利夫兰，面临的选择是构建区域铁路

线或改善当地的公共汽车线路（克鲁姆霍尔茨等人。1982。区域铁路线将鼓励郊区中产阶级

开关从汽车到大众运输；当地更好的巴士服务将帮助市内穷人减少他们的旅行和等待时间。

一个影响这种选择之间的紧张局势，减少污染，使交通更加公平，例如何偏向社会不平等可

能嵌入看似客观的运输的建议。4